For a long time, anyone who tried to label people they disagreed with politically as fascists were seen as having crossed a line. Fascism, it was held, had been the product of a particular historical moment. Furthermore, countries that had adopted fascism as the basis of their governments had not had strong histories of democratic principles and structures that would have enabled them to withstand fascist demagoguery. There was even a certain school of history that argued that Germany was the “only” place where National Socialism could have flourished because Germany’s history revealed that Germans had “always” had fascist tendencies, even back during the Reformation. That school of history has been thoroughly discredited, although one still sees the occasional book that argues that there is something fundamentally wrong with Germans that makes them susceptible to being Nazis.
It’s easy to see why Americans might believe that fascism was both a bad moment in history and something that could never have succeeded in a country that prides itself on its democratic ideals. By making it a problem that happens in other places, Americans have taken great pride in having “defeated fascism” with our Allies during World War II. But what happens when ideas connected with fascist ideology become popular among a large segment of American voters? Does the belief that fascism could never happen here prevent people from identifying fascism as fascism? Does a long history of dismissing those who throw the term “fascist” around make Americans oblivious to when the cry of “fascism” really should grab their attention?
But further studies of fascism — and the different forms of fascism that came to power in Italy, Germany, Spain, Hungary, China, Croatia, Vichy France, Japan, Portugal, Brazil, Chile and others — have allowed political scientists, philosophers, historians, and sociologists to identify common elements of fascist regimes. These characteristics vary in number, depending on which thinker is identifying them, but many of the same traits show up on all theorists’ lists. These include: the heralding of a mythic past when the nation was in harmony with its ideals; a reliance on propaganda to disseminate government information that is often a refutation of facts; anti-intellectualism that attacks rational thought as being out of touch with genuine emotional knowledge; hierarchy; a sense of victimhood that sees enemies both internal and external; an emphasis on law and order to protect citizens from undesirable elements; the control of language; sexual anxiety that the group at the top of the hierarchy is being weakened by “abnormal” sexuality and low birth rates; fear of homosexuality and of women; and a belief that hard work is the key to success.
In the works collected here, authors approach fascism from a variety of perspectives. Further elucidation of the elements of fascism are contained in the first five works listed here. The lived experiences of those who experienced life in fascist regimes; an experience of how knowledge is attacked by fascists in order to replace truth with fascist truth; how to resist fascism; the emphasis on physical perfection and its connections to attitudes toward women and sexuality; and the fascist emphasis on spectacle, or the performative aspects of fascism as shown in film and athletic competitions are also included in the nonfiction section. Included in the fiction list are novels that were written by Germans living during the Nazi years, while others speculate on what American fascism might expect of its citizens. These novels set against a fascist background increase the reader’s knowledge about how fascism operates on multiple levels in those countries where fascists have taken power.
The Politics of Us and Them
Jason Stanley is a philosophy professor at Yale who is also son of European Jewish refugees. In How Fascism Works, Stanley identifies the defining characteristics of fascist regimes. He illustrates how those foundational ideas are implemented and enacted in regimes. Fascism goes after those institutions within democracy that may present a source of opposition. Thus the fascist demagogue will attack the university system, the press, even knowledge itself as they seek to establish their possession of state power.
In language that is approachable and does not require knowledge of a special vocabulary, Stanley points to situations in our current state that are fascist. Whether it is the division of the population by fanning hatred against immigrants, people of color, or gay people; or attacking the free press as the “enemy of the people,” fascism seeks to delegitimate any potential source of resistance by destabilizing it. It offers its own form of truth to supplant facts; it propagates conspiracy theories that see insiders plotting against their country; it seeks to replace a loyalty to the government with a loyalty to the “nation,” an entity that it defines; it builds itself on the back of the patriarchal family in which men are both the breadwinners and the head of the household in order to prevent women having access to power. Fascism uses misogyny, homophobia, racism, and xenophobia to peel away unity, but more importantly, to emphasize that whiteness and masculinity are the sources of all legitimate power.
Jason Stanley has written an invaluable guide to understanding the ways that fascism spreads like cancer, and how much of that growth takes place in secrecy. By convincing its believers that fascism is the only true way for white men to maintain their hold on power, it seeks to both emphasize to white men how they are being emasculated in multicultural and feminist societies, while also providing them with the violent means for them to take their power back.
Introduction by Samantha Power
Arendt may have been the greatest thinker of the twentieth century. She was a German woman who fled Germany when her Judaism made her an undesirable there. She later taught at a number of American universities. In The Origins of Totalitarianism, Arendt examines with intellectual rigor and in deep detail the two major totalitarian movements of the twentieth century: Stalinism and Naziism. For Arendt, totalitarianism, as the name implies, interfered in all aspects of life. It rose to power through manipulation of the mob, but once in power, it broke apart those organizations that could have been mobilized to oppose it.
Totalitarianism treated the mass of humanity within a country as if it could be controlled as just one person. It cemented its power by a sort of “permanent revolution” in which constant purges removed those individuals who might gain enough power to threaten the leader. It gave the illusion of stability while creating constant instability that disempowered those who might oppose it. This magisterial book is one of the ur-texts for understanding twentieth century politics.
Robert O. Paxton
Many scholars have written intellectual histories of fascist movements. They have defined the ideals that fascists propagated or explained the texts that fascists used to identify their beliefs. The problem is that many of these ideals seem abstract, and it can be difficult to identify fascism when you don’t have access to the intellectual justification for certain actions.
Paxton, Columbia University emeritus professor of political science, offers instead a history of the deeds of fascists. What is it that fascists do that identify them as fascists? What does a fascist government look like? And how do the actions of fascist governments in the past provide us with information by which we can prevent it happening again? He shows how fascism in Spain built its power by utilizing the Catholic Church, while Mussolini went after the trade unions. And while fascists had different behaviors in different contexts, Paxton provides readers with the background context that shows how these different behaviors still adhered to the ideology.
Twenty Lessons from the Twentieth Century
Timothy Snyder looked to the histories of various governments from the twentieth century in order to compile this compact list of everyday ways that people can resist tyranny and fascism. He encourages people to think for themselves, that is, to not accept the Facebook post that contains news. Before accepting it as truth, has it been reported by other news outlets? He also suggests that people hold onto the idea that there is truth. Don’t accept an idea because it makes you more comfortable than acknowledging the truthful, but less comfortable, fact. Be willing to stand out, that is to not go along with the crowd because it is easier to not make waves.
Many of Snyder’s lessons remind readers that accepting tyranny is not something you wake up one morning and decide is okay. It is, rather, the erosion of the little actions that we perform that act as brakes when we’re asked to give up one of our rights. Resisting the conditions that allow tyranny to take over requires each of us to be brave. It also requires us to remain calm. Rather than allowing our fear to make us complacent, each of us is called upon to act with courage when we know that we must act to prevent freedom being taken away from any of us.
Love, Terror, and an American Family in Hitler's Berlin
In 1933, Professor William E. Dodd became ambassador to Germany, and he arrived in Berlin with his wife, Mattie, and their two children, Bill and Martha. The Dodd family arrived at a time when Adolf Hitler had just taken power. For Martha, the new regime means that there are lots of exciting parties to attend, filled with dashing young officers who pay her lots of attention. But the Dodds soon discover that the Nazis’ agenda is resulting in frightening changes. People disappear in the middle of the night. Laws are passed that ban Jews from participating in multiple activities. And the charming young men who Martha meets turn out to hold disturbing ideas about the future. Erik Larson presents the story of the Dodds in “real time,” that is, the reader becomes aware of what is happening as it is revealed to the Dodds. Their growing sense of alarm transmits itself to the reader, and when Ambassador Dodd finds that no one in Washington takes seriously his transmissions in which he details what is happening, readers will worry that the Dodds themselves may become the target for Nazi reprisals. Larson presents a fascinating case study of the ways that fascism extends its tentacles as it expands its power.
The Rise of Hoaxes, Humbug, Plagiarists, Phonies, Post-Facts, and Fake News
Fascism thrives when disinformation and propaganda have weakened a person’s ability to determine what is true. Nazi propaganda supplanted facts with information aimed at the emotions. In Bunk, Kevin Young examines how our current situation, in which the president tweets on a near-daily basis that “fake news” is being used to bring him down, has its roots in American history. His book offers a wide-ranging view of the hoaxes perpetrated by conmen, including fake memoirs about Indian captivity, faked artifacts like the Cardiff Giant, stories of alien abduction, and the plagiarized and false feature reports written by those looking for fame and fortune. He examines how other false stories led to serious consequences, even deaths, such as those about rings of devil-worshipping pedophiles that caused innocent people to be arrested and jailed. His research offers a plethora of interesting examples, but its value lies in demonstrating just how easily it is to fool people, even those who pride themselves on their ability to detect BS.
Sixteen Days in August
Many Americans know that Hitler intended the 1936 Berlin games to be a showcase for the superiority of “Aryan” athletes, and that Jesse Owens beat Germany’s best in track and field. German author Oliver Hilmes documents the fascinating record of the day-to-day occurrences during those sixteen days in August. The lengths to which Nazi officials went to convince the Olympics community — athletes, officials, and other nation’s representatives — that Germany ran like a well-oiled machine. They wanted visitors to come away thinking that Berlin was full of happy citizens. In fact, Hilmes argues, during the Olympics, the Nazis temporarily stopped acting like Nazis, in terms of the quotidian repression felt by Berlin’s residents. Hilmes has gathered testimony from diaries, newspapers, and other sources that show how those Olympic days were experienced by the “ordinary people” of Berlin, and he sees that time as a sort of “last hurrah” before the dark times snuffed out all the light.
The Rise of Fascism: 1919-1945
Julia Boyd begins her fascinating book about tourism in 1930s Germany by relating a true story. In 1936, a couple with British license plates on their car were approached by an anxious mother with a disabled teenaged girl. Hitler had recently implemented his campaign against “undesirables” and the mother was frantic to have the couple take her daughter back to England with them. Boyd asks readers what they would have done in that situation, and what the couple decided. She also mentions that half-a-million American tourists journeyed through Germany in 1937, determined to ignore the politics they observed when they were there.
How did Germany promote itself as as desirable tourist area while its government had begun its programs of imprisonment and extermination? Boyd combines diary entries, postcards, and other first-hand accounts written by foreign visitors with the tourist pamphlets and other forms of publicity that the Nazi government produced to lure tourists. And while her readers might expect that once travelers arrived, they must have noticed the military presence in every street, the Nazi regalia, and the anti-Jewish signs that were prominently displayed, Boyd demonstrates that many of them retained their favorable opinions of Germany and went home and told their friends how lovely the country was.
In reaction to the “threat of communism,” the United States helped to install a number of authoritarian, neo-fascist governments in Central America. In South America, governments in Chile, Argentina, Ecuador, Brazil, Uruguay, Bolivia, and Peru were run by military governments whose style of rule has been described as “bureaucratic-authoritarian,” words that have often been used to describe the Nazi state.
Eduardo Galeano was a Uruguayan journalist and writer who is perhaps best known as a sublime writer about soccer. But he also wrote stories that resemble diary entries about how ordinary people in various Latin American countries conducted their lives in opposition to their repressive governments. Galeano wrote that what made the resistance possible was the recognition that the government comprised ordinary men. As he wrote, “The torturer is a functionary. The dictator is a functionary. Armed bureaucrats, who lose their jobs if they don’t do their tasks efficiently. That, and nothing more than that. They are not extraordinary monsters. We won’t grant them that grandeur.”
These two volumes, translated and published in 1987, examine fascism through the lens of psychoanalysis, investigating how fascists, especially the Freikorps, a 1920s volunteer para-military organization whose members went on to make up the S.A., the Nazis’ original paramilitary. By examining photographs, magazine articles and illustrations, and the diary entries of the men, Theweleit presents a view of the Freikorps in which its members’ virulent misogyny and racism were integral to their identity. Emasculated by the loss of World War I and deeply antagonistic against communism, the Freikorps carried out assassinations and other acts of violence against German civilians. Theweleit examines their activities to argue that their hatred of women was based on a profound fear. Reading Theweleit now may bring to mind the so-called “incel” movement of men who blame women for their social awkwardness.
Forging a Militant Working-Class Culture
Julius Deutsch, edited by Gabriel Kuhn
The fascist obsession with the body was succinctly described by Susan Sontag in her essay, “Fascinating Fascism,” in which she criticized the rehabilitation of Nazi filmmaker Leni Riefenstahl. In her propaganda film, Olympiad, her record of the 1936 Olympics, Riefenstahl focused on the physical perfection of the athletes, which leads Sontag to write, “Fascist art displays a utopian aesthetics—that of physical perfection. Painters and sculptors under the Nazis often depicted the nude, but they were forbidden to show any bodily imperfections. Their nudes look like pictures in male health magazines: pinups which are both sanctimoniously asexual and (in a technical sense) pornographic, for they have the perfection of a fantasy.” Klaus Theweleit also addressed fascist attitudes toward the body.
Julius Deutsch was an Austrian Marxist who opposed the spread of fascism. He organized workers in Austria into proletarian militias. Because he understood the “physicality” of the Nazis, he emphasized physical health and strength among those who were to fight them. He organized sports programs for Austrian workers that would give them the physical skills to resist German fighters. Wehrsport combined cross-country running, shooting sports, martial arts, and other types of physical training as part of its “paramilitary sport.” He also prescribed “healthful” practices, such as abstaining from alcohol, as part of a program that would build up each individual’s stamina and strength, since the battles ahead would be “exhausting.” Deutsch’s objection to the more traditional sports — soccer, for instance — is that young men watched those sports, going to the stadiums to watch other men play but not benefitting from the exercise themselves. Deutsch’s programs took parts of the fascist program of health and strength and re-wrote it for the benefit of workers who would battle Nazis in the streets.
The Anti-Fascist Handbook
The modern resistance to fascism has become known by the name “Antifa.” Mark Bray provides those who want to fight back against fascism with a handbook with a program for resistance. Bray begins the book with a history lesson. He details the anti-fascist movements prior to World War II, movements that took place in Germany and Italy, and perhaps most famously, in Spain during the Spanish Civil War, when the fascist forces that supported Francisco Franco battled against volunteers who came from all over the world. In each of these three cases, the eventual success of the fascists led to disasters of previously unknown proportions, as millions died at the hands of fascist regimes and the world war that had to be mounted to stop them. (Except for Spain, where Franco died in his bed in 1975.) Bray also presents the history of the movement after the war and how it evolved. It was a period, up through 2003, that organized in order that “never again” would fascism wreak its destruction.
Friedrich Reck; Afterword by Richard J. Evans; Translated by Paul Rubens
By all accounts, Friedrich Reck would be the last person to resist the Nazis: he was born into a prosperous, conservative family in East Prussia. Reck was no fan of democracy and longed for Germany’s past system of hierarchy. But in 1936, he began keeping a diary of his observations of the fascist regime, and he was horrified by their brutishness, violence, and the power that they had over the German populace. His diary entries are full of contempt, but they also provide to modern readers a real sense of just how awful things were for everyday Germans. Reck is gobsmacked by the Nazi attempts to control knowledge and “truth,” and Reck keeps a diary in an effort to write down what was really happening, rather than what the Nazis told people had occurred.
He saved special contempt for Adolf Hitler. Reck thought that Hitler was unintelligent, proud of his rejection of intellectualism, convinced he was right at all times. And Reck was flabbergasted by other Germans’ worship of the man they regarded as a savior. In 1939, he is present at a Hitler appearance. He writes:
There he stood, the most glorious of all , in his usual pose with hands clasped over his belly, looking … like a tram conductor. [His face] waggled with unhealthy cushions of fat; it all hung, it was … shaggy, gelatinous, sick. There was no light in it, none of the shimmer and shining of a man sent by God. Instead, the face bore the stigma of sexual inadequacy, of the rancor of a half-man who had turned his fury at his impotence into brutalising others.
Reck died in Dachau in 1945.
Hans Fallada grew up in Germany, but two serious accidents plus the death of his brother during World War I caused serious anxiety for Fallada, and he spent time in a sanatorium recovering. He began writing in the 1920s and had success with Little Man, What Now? about a couple’s struggle in Weimar Germany. When the Nazis came to power in 1933, Fallada suffered a “nervous breakdown,” a reaction that makes sense given that two years later, the Nazis would declare him to be an “undesirable author.” He refused to leave Germany, however, and tried writing children’s stories and fairy tales. In 1937, however, he was able to write Wolf Among Wolves, a magisterial story about the cultural changes that were rocking Germany. When the war began, he was commissioned to write an “anti-Jewish novel” by Goebbels. Fallada agreed to the project in order to get access to writing paper, which was rationed during the war. Instead, he wrote The Drinker, a veiled autobiography that was intensely critical of the Nazis. It should have resulted in his execution, but things were falling apart in December, 1944, and Fallada escaped punishment.
Just prior to his death in 1947, which was due to his various addictions, Fallada had found out about a German couple, Otto and Elise Hampel, who began a campaign against the Nazis by leaving postcards all over Berlin which encouraged people to revolt. Fallada found their story so compelling, that, according to legend, he wrote Every Man Dies Alone in 27 days, but died before the book was published. His last novel was an international bestseller. Alone in Berlin, a film starting Brendan Gleason and Emma Thompson released in 2016, is the cinematic version of Every Man Dies Alone.
Nobel Literature Laureate Sinclair Lewis died in 1951, and yet in the months following Donald Trump’s election in 2016, his 1935 novel, It Can’t Happen Here was suddenly a bestseller again. Lewis wrote the book during the Great Depression, when mass unemployment, failing farms, and poverty made Americans vulnerable, Lewis thought, to the type of populist fascist demagogue that had seized control in Italy and Germany.
In the novel, Buzz Windrip, real estate mogul who blames immigrants for joblessness, wins the Democratic nomination for president by promising voters that he will make America great again by restoring traditional values. He also vows to give each citizen $5,000 per year. He blames the press and “lazy” young people for the country’s decline. After he is elected, Windrip establishes a militia he calls the “Minute Men” who round up undesirables and suspected criminals, meting out immediate execution for some while putting others in camps. Opposing Windrip is newspaper editor Doremus Jessup. The resistance organized by Jessup and others try to save the country from a fascist government that declares more and more Americans enemies of the state.
By writing a series of mysteries that begin in fascist Germany, Philip Kerr worked in his own way to debunk the mystique that surrounds Nazis. Rather than presenting them as cunning thinkers who nearly crushed all of Europe under their boot, Kerr presents those who were attracted to National Socialism as a collection of petty thieves, thugs, and psychopaths. Bernie Gunther is a member of the police force who often finds himself investigating crimes that lead to confrontations with Nazi officials. When Gunther isn’t battling vicious criminals who take far too much pleasure in inflicting pain on others, he’s enmeshed in the bureaucracy of the Nazi state that made accomplishing anything a matter of mountains of paperwork. Kerr presents readers with an ordinary German who found ways to avoid cooperating with a system that stripped the humanity of those who took part in its activities.
When novelists project the precepts by which their fictional dystopias are organized, it should not be surprising that many of them adhere to the ideas behind fascism. As Paxton, Eco, and others who have written about fascism’s foundations have pointed out, fascism thrives during times of crisis that are tied to a group’s identity. In the case of the Britain depicted by P.D. James, the crisis of group identity was generated by the threat of literal extinction. As the novel opens, readers are informed that no baby has been born in Great Britain since 1985. The immediate results have been a dying off of the population, but the side-effects of this imminent extinction is the accession to power of a totalitarian government. Immigrants are forbidden, crime is punished by immediate exile, and the elderly are encouraged to commit suicide. Each person’s worth is measured by what they contribute to the economy. When one man decides he has had “enough,” he joins the network of those willing to fight back against a government that has robbed lives of all human dignity.
One of the primary ways that Atwood’s original version of The Handmaid’s Tale differed from the television series is on the issue of race. As Atwood notes, the people left in Gilead are white. People who are not white have been either sent to the Colonies or were killed. One of the tenets of fascism is an emphasis on notions of whiteness that are dependent on ideas of “purity of blood.” In these formulations, in order to preserve the white race, white women who had previously demonstrated their fertility by having children prior to the overthrow of the American government are now held captive in homes where they are expected to give birth to the children of the Commanders. In elaborately staged rape rituals, handmaids are held down by wives as their high-ranking husbands attempt to impregnate the handmaids. In 1935, the Nazis instituted a policy called lebensborn which provided shelter to unmarried pregnant women, many of whom had become pregnant by S.S. officers. The S.S. officers had been encouraged to “spread their seed” in order to produce Aryan children, even though many of the officers were married. The program was intended so that abortion would be eradicated and these children could be adopted into “good” German homes.
Harris envisions a world where Germany won the Second World War and the American government is dominated by the “America First” movement, whose 1930s supporters included Charles Lindbergh and Joseph Kennedy. Harris has written an alternative history as the basis for a murder mystery. But in so doing, he brings to light what Germany’s fascist government would have wrought in Europe had it not been stopped by the Allies in 1945. Using actual documents that discussed plans for how the Reich intended to take over the world, Harris brings readers into 1964, when Germany was making preparations to celebrate Hitler’s seventy-fifth birthday. The fly in the ointment for that celebration begins with the discovery of a corpse in a lake in Berlin; when Detective Xavier March begins his investigation, he discovers a conspiracy that will change everything. Fatherland is an intelligent mystery that forces readers to consider what a world run by fascists would look like.